Black Employment, Segregation, and the Social Organization of Metropolitan Labor Markets

Employment Strategies for the Most Vulnerable Communities: an Inclusive Hiring Plan

Is Racial Exclusion Gendered?

Latino Employment and Residential Segregation in Metropolitan Labor Markets

Occupational and Residential Segregation The Confluence of Two Systems of Inequality

Postindustrial Era Restructuring in the Public Sector:The Effect on Black, Latina and White Women Workers 1970-2000

Race Differentials in College Selectivity

Racial and Ethnic Crowding in Low-Wage Metropolitan Labor Markets

Racial/Ethnic Wage Inequality and Segregation in Metropolitan Labor Markets

The Katrina Diaspora: Dislocation and the Reproduction of Segregation and Employment Inequality

The Impact of Metropolitan Residential Segregation on the Employment Chances of Blacks and Whites in the U.S.

Understanding Middle Classness: Race, Gender, and Family Formation, 1980 to 2000

Worksite Segregation and Performance Related Attitudes

We are a force to be reckoned with

As a sociologist of work who studies race and work, I am concerned with how racial economic inequality is created and sustained in U.S. society, and more specifically how the labor market is organized to enable or limit minorities’ access to jobs or mobility into better jobs. Conventional explanations of racial inequality in academia and public policy have typically focused on racial disparities in human capital as the primary explanation for persistent racial economic inequality, and consequently we have invested substantial societal resources to eradicate differences in education. However, even though the human capital gap between blacks and whites has closed substantially over the past 30 years, commensurate earnings, unemployment rates, and occupational status have not. My work is guided by the premise that the process by which workers get allocated to jobs by their race/gender status is more complex than is characterized by many of the predominant explanations of racial economic inequality.  The chief objective of my work is to offer a complex and comprehensive way of understanding the seemingly intractable problem of racial economic inequality. My work can be organized into three trajectories that are unified under an interest in examining macro-level structures of social and economic institutions that reproduce racial economic inequality. They
are: 1) metropolitan employment inequality, 2) the gendered dimension of racial exclusion, 3) occupational and educational segregation.